THE PRINCE AND THE END OF THE STATE OF WAR KASHMIR
Ben 562 principalities had survived as a semi-autonomous states within the British Raj: they were formally independent but recognized the "supremacy" (paramountcy) of the British Government. Most of these are found within the borders of India and seriously threatened the unity of the nascent state. Moreover, many of the maharaja, nawab and Nizam who ruled on these smaller states (especially large ones) were hoping to be able to constitute themselves as autonomous states, independent and sovereign. Initially, their hopes were fueled by the British themselves. Clement Attlee, Prime Minister of the Crown, February 20, 1947 announced that "His Majesty's Government do not INTEND to hand over Their Powers and Obligations under paramountcy to-any government of British India ' [in VP Menon, Integration of Indian States, 1956, p. 73]. Further encouragement was given to them by Jinnah who, June 18, 1947, declared that "the States Would Be independent sovereign States on the termination of paramountcy and ....[ They Were] free to Remain Independent If They know Desired [ ibid, p. 91]. However, the same Attlee, in the summer of 1947, speaking sull'Independence of India Bill, changed his mind and declared, "It is hope of His Majesty's Government to the States That Will Find Their two course appropriate place with one or the other Dominion Within the British Commonwealth " [in Norman D. Palmer, The Indian Political System, 1961, p.88] erasing any lingering hope of some kind of protection on the English rulers, without which it could not have survived. By the end of WWII the major political forces, since Congress set aside their policy of non interference in the princely states.
The persistence of independent and sovereign states within the Union was particularly opposed by nationalist Indians, as also of the populations of these principalities, ruled by authoritarian regimes that lacked popular support.
In India's case the problem was managed by the Member Vallabhai Patel (in its As Minister of the Interior before the interim government and then the first government of independent India) with the assistance of VP Menon (senior official of the ICS, Adviser on Constitutional Affairs and the real author of the partition plan assigned to Mountbatten ). The policy pursued by Patel was a mix of blandishments and threats, was made clear that any resistance would be bent by force and that the collaboration would be well remunerated.
The August 15, 1947, that at independence, all the princely states - except Kashmir, Hyderabad and Junagadh - had joined the Dominion in that area are located (ie, in most cases, India) . The ambitions of the nizam indipendestite dell'Hyderabad entirely surrounded by Indian territory, were stifled by a "police operation" by the Indian Army. The nawab of Junagadh, a small kingdom in the Hindu majority is not contiguous to Pakistan, pleaded for the annexation to the latter (which accepted the annexation). In this case a popular revolt forced the Nawab to flee, which followed the military occupation of India. The de facto annexation of India was then positively sanctioned by a popular referendum.
The case of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir State was, for obvious reasons, the most complicated. It was a great state that, unlike other Princely states, touching both borders of India that Pakistan, for the most was a Muslim majority state ruled by a Hindu in an autocratic, Maharaja Hari Singh, great grandson of Gulab Singh. Hari Singh also hoped to keep his reign and after the partition hesitate to take any initiative.
In previous decades also in Kashmir had developed both the nationalist parties that were opposed to colonial rule that they were subject to the monarchical regime. In 1939, the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (hereafter NC), a secular party, nationalist and socialist led by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, a Muslim, had launched a campaign against the Maharaja, which culminated in 1946 the movement "Quit Kashmir", he found inspiration and active support In the analogous movement "Quit India" (addressed to Raj) Indian National Congress, the two parties had much in common in terms of ideology and their leaders, Nehru ( who was a Kashmiri Pandit) and Sheikh Abdullah, were personal friends, but it was too favorable to autonomy or independence of Kashmir but opposed to any annexation to Pakistan. This stemmed from practical considerations, the Muslim League of Jinnah was a party whose leadership was an expression of the landed gentry, while one of the main objectives of the NC was the realization of distributive justice through agrarian reform, for the benefit of the poor peasants of Kashmir.
The NC was not simply an expression of the Muslim majority, went far beyond religion. The Muslims of Kashmir were being discriminated against actually a majority all the positions of some importance monopolized by the minority Hindus. Nevertheless Sheikh Abdullah, rather than to the religion called Kashmiriyat and Muslims to unite against the Hindu Dogra regime, this concept - which literally means to be Kashmiri - drew on a composite identity that is rooted in a past in which the Kashmir was the land which was developed in the Shaivism, Tibetan Buddhism flourished and moderate Islam propagated by the order Sufi Silsila-i-Rishiyan: these beliefs coexisted peacefully and gave rise to a particular form of syncretism. [In Sergio Tripodi, Kashmir, p.95]. The platform then programmatic NC envisioned building a "new Kashmir" with a democratic constitutional framework (Sheikh Abdullah was jailed for his activities antimonarchical) and a varied bill of rights, as well as a socialist agenda with the aforementioned extensive reforms Agricultural.
On the other hand there were also political filopachistani openly - and in favor of annexation with these countries - such as Ghulam Abbas, founder of the Muslim Conference party, or as Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, one of the most important religious leaders state. In the meantime, Jinnah and Nehru stood not to look at and both feceero pressure on Kashmir's accession.
Following independence, the Maharaja Hari Singh tried to reach an agreement with the two nascent states. On August 15, 1947 he signed a Standstill Agreement with Pakistan (literally a standstill agreement), which was intended to agreements on trade, transport and communications in force between the kingdom of Kashmir and the outgoing British Government. The Indian government requested further discussions with representatives of Kashmir before signing a similar agreement.
The context changed abruptly when the Maharaja began to lose control the domestic situation. In the first week of October of 1947 a peasant revolt broke out in south-western province of Poonch, the peasants rose up against the local Muslim landowners, Rajput Hindu caste. Formations of the Pakistani army moved immediately to help the rebels with weapons, transport and men. The insurgents, with the support of tribal Pathans (or Pashtuns, are a people living south-eastern Afghanistan - the state where they represent the largest ethnic group - in the northern parts of Pakistan - where they enjoy considerable autonomy - and Kashmir, the more they speak Pashtu, the language of the Iranian strain. Despite being separated by border-state they have maintained strong ties, thanks to Pashtunwali, a common code of conduct. Moreover, they constitute the main ethnic contingent in the movement of Taliban. The current Afghan President Hamid Karzai is an ethnic Pashtun) from armed North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan along with Pakistani army officers, defeated the army in Kashmir and marched to Srinagar - the summer capital of the kingdom - engaging in looting, destruction , rapes and killings. Pakistani sources claim that the tribal armed formations were made in Kashmir following the circulation of rumors that they gave to the imminent decision of Maharja access to India.
Meanwhile, October 14, 1947, the district of Poonch declared independence from Dogra kingdom and took the name of Azad Kashmir (Free Kashmir).
The Maharaja, fully aware of Pakistan's support to the insurgents and the invaders, he decided to ask for military support of India for salvage. Jawaharlal Nehru, then Prime Minister of India was prepared to provide the help required, but on two conditions: Hari Singh would formally accept the accession of his state to India and the act should have received the imprimatur of Sheikh Abdullah , which would lead the interim government during the emergency phase. On October 26, 1947 Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession (Act of Accession) of his state to India in exchange della garanzia che al Kashmir sarebbe stato concesso uno status autonomo particolare. Nella lettera, allegata al sopracitato atto, che Hari Singh spediva a Lord Mountbatten, tra le altre cose si leggeva: «Inspite of repeated appeals made by my Government no attempt has been made to check these raiders or to stop them from coming into my State. In fact, both radio and the Press of Pakistan have reported these occurences. The Pakistan radio even put out the story that a provisional government has been set up in Kashmir. (…) With the conditions obtaining at present in my State and the great emergency of the situation as it exists, I have no option but to ask for help from the Indian Dominion. Naturally they cannot send the help asked for by me without my State acceding to the Dominion of India» . L'indomani, accettando l'atto di adesione, nella sua risposta al maharaja Mountbatten auspicava «In consistence with their policy that in the case of any State where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State, it is my Government's wish that, as soon as law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of the invader, the question of the State's accession should be settled by a reference to the people» . Jawaharlal Nehru fece propria la promessa di referendum di autodeterminazione e, davanti alla Costituent Assembly of India, riaffermò il diritto ultimo of the Kashmiri people to decide its future political association under the supervision of an impartial international tribunal like the UN could be.
In recent years, a dispute about the date dell'accessione. Since then Pakistan has argued that Hari Singh's signature was obtained through intimidation. The signing of the document is actually only took 27 October 1947, although the document is dated the day before, some authors argue that Indian troops had already entered the territory of Kashmir before the act was signed [Alaistar Lamb, Kashmir : A Disputed Legacy, 1846-1990] and this is good game to Pakistan when he says that the annexation Kashmir has been forced by military invasion.
support required by Hari Singh came from heaven, with airborne troops who put in a safe Srinagar. At that point Jinnah decided to break through the inertia and push the army, this time officially, in the war that continued until January 1949. The conflict in Kashmir was limited only by the intervention of General Auchinleck, Commander in Chief of the British Raj that was still the commander in chief of the armed forces of both the new dominions. The Indian Army managed to leave two thirds of the territory of the former princely state, while a third (Gilgit-Balstian and former district of Poonch) remained under the control Pakistan.
parallel to the battlefield since January 1948 the war was fought in the UN headquarters after that, on the advice of Mountbatten, the Security Council had been requested by India invoking Articles 34 and 35 of the Charter of the United Nations (referring to disputes or situations likely to endanger the maintenance of peace and international security). The Indian government urged the Security Council to condemn the complicity of Pakistan in the act of aggression perpetrated by Pakistani citizens alongside members of local tribes. The regime denied that Pakistan had provided any official assistance to the insurgents / invaders accused India of having practiced, following the partition, a policy of genocide against the Muslim population and put into question the legitimacy and legality dell'accessione of Kashmir to India. On 20 January 1948 the Security Council adopted Resolution No. 39, creating the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) with a mandate to investigate and mediate the dispute. A second resolution, No. 47, was adopted by the Council of 21 April 1948, it increased from three to five the number of members from the Commission (Argentina, Belgium, Colombia, Czechoslovakia, United States of America), reminded the Government of Pakistan to withdraw its citizens from the territory of the state and asked the Indian government to withdraw its forces Armed with the exception of those necessary to support the civil power and the maintenance of law and order, also proposed the creation of a coalition government of the state of Jammu and Kashmir that would represent the entire political spectrum of the population. Finally gave the mandate to hold a plebiscite that would establish the will of the Kashmiri people on the accession to India or Pakistan.
For Nehru began the progessive disaffection with the United Nations, and especially against the United States and Britain, which were seen accommodate the Pakistani positions, from the Indian point of view was a source of dismay was the fact that aggressor and was attacked were equated.
In a letter dated 24 February 1947 addressed to Vijaylakshmi Pandit Nehru wrote, "I Could not Imagine That the Security Council Could possibly behave in the trivial Manner in Which it functioned. These People Are Supposed to keep order in the world. It is not surprising That the world is going to pieces. The United States and Britain Have played a dirty role, Britain Probably Being the chief actor behid the scenes " [in S. Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru, A Biography, Vol 2, 1979].
In respect of two resolutions a team of observers visited the two states to broker a ceasefire. Once in Karachi were briefed by Interior Minister Mohammed Zafrullah Khan Pakistan's three brigades were involved in hostilities since May 1948, the justification for this intervention was that India had territorial claims on Pakistan as the Pakistan-controlled Kashmir. This fact drastically changed circumstances. For most of the Indian decision-makers were irritated by the lack of condemnation by the Council of Pakistan as an aggressor state. A third resolution was adopted August 13, 1948 urged India and Pakistan to agree to a ceasefire: Pakistan should withdraw its troops and citizens and then India would have done the same with his army. This is not never it happened: India insisted on the withdrawal of Pakistani troops and irregulars, Pakistan on the holding of a plebiscite. On 1 January 1949 came to a cease-fire brokered by the United Nations, which follows neither the army nor the withdrawal of self-determination referendum. The line of the cease-fire (border that remains disputed by both countries) has been renamed by both parties as "Line of Control (LOC) after the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971. To supervise the cease-fire was formed the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), whose mandate was extended even after the return of the UNCIP (March 30, 1951), apart from that it followed the failures of the Council security and its brokers and agents.
The first Kashmir war was the beginning of a conflict that has dragged on far with its full load of fatal inevitability, leaving in its path wars, tension, espionage, terrorism, balance of terror. The new nation were again on the brink of war in 1950 and 1951. In 1950, still had not exhausted the long wave of the tragic effects of partition on the people, local unrest along the border of Tripura and West Bengal led hundreds of thousands of Hindus to flee from East Pakistan to West Bengal, while in the opposite direction moved so many Muslim refugees. To prevent the outbreak of hostilities, Prime Minister of Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan Pakistan met in Delhi and spread to a joint statement with which it undertook to ensure the protection of minorities in both countries. Then in 1951, India amassed troops on the border with West Pakistan, to put pressure on the refugee issue and the Kashmir crisis was resolved with an exchange of letters between the two prime ministers.
Ben 562 principalities had survived as a semi-autonomous states within the British Raj: they were formally independent but recognized the "supremacy" (paramountcy) of the British Government. Most of these are found within the borders of India and seriously threatened the unity of the nascent state. Moreover, many of the maharaja, nawab and Nizam who ruled on these smaller states (especially large ones) were hoping to be able to constitute themselves as autonomous states, independent and sovereign. Initially, their hopes were fueled by the British themselves. Clement Attlee, Prime Minister of the Crown, February 20, 1947 announced that "His Majesty's Government do not INTEND to hand over Their Powers and Obligations under paramountcy to-any government of British India ' [in VP Menon, Integration of Indian States, 1956, p. 73]. Further encouragement was given to them by Jinnah who, June 18, 1947, declared that "the States Would Be independent sovereign States on the termination of paramountcy and ....[ They Were] free to Remain Independent If They know Desired [ ibid, p. 91]. However, the same Attlee, in the summer of 1947, speaking sull'Independence of India Bill, changed his mind and declared, "It is hope of His Majesty's Government to the States That Will Find Their two course appropriate place with one or the other Dominion Within the British Commonwealth " [in Norman D. Palmer, The Indian Political System, 1961, p.88] erasing any lingering hope of some kind of protection on the English rulers, without which it could not have survived. By the end of WWII the major political forces, since Congress set aside their policy of non interference in the princely states.
The persistence of independent and sovereign states within the Union was particularly opposed by nationalist Indians, as also of the populations of these principalities, ruled by authoritarian regimes that lacked popular support.
In India's case the problem was managed by the Member Vallabhai Patel (in its As Minister of the Interior before the interim government and then the first government of independent India) with the assistance of VP Menon (senior official of the ICS, Adviser on Constitutional Affairs and the real author of the partition plan assigned to Mountbatten ). The policy pursued by Patel was a mix of blandishments and threats, was made clear that any resistance would be bent by force and that the collaboration would be well remunerated.
The August 15, 1947, that at independence, all the princely states - except Kashmir, Hyderabad and Junagadh - had joined the Dominion in that area are located (ie, in most cases, India) . The ambitions of the nizam indipendestite dell'Hyderabad entirely surrounded by Indian territory, were stifled by a "police operation" by the Indian Army. The nawab of Junagadh, a small kingdom in the Hindu majority is not contiguous to Pakistan, pleaded for the annexation to the latter (which accepted the annexation). In this case a popular revolt forced the Nawab to flee, which followed the military occupation of India. The de facto annexation of India was then positively sanctioned by a popular referendum.
The case of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir State was, for obvious reasons, the most complicated. It was a great state that, unlike other Princely states, touching both borders of India that Pakistan, for the most was a Muslim majority state ruled by a Hindu in an autocratic, Maharaja Hari Singh, great grandson of Gulab Singh. Hari Singh also hoped to keep his reign and after the partition hesitate to take any initiative.
In previous decades also in Kashmir had developed both the nationalist parties that were opposed to colonial rule that they were subject to the monarchical regime. In 1939, the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (hereafter NC), a secular party, nationalist and socialist led by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, a Muslim, had launched a campaign against the Maharaja, which culminated in 1946 the movement "Quit Kashmir", he found inspiration and active support In the analogous movement "Quit India" (addressed to Raj) Indian National Congress, the two parties had much in common in terms of ideology and their leaders, Nehru ( who was a Kashmiri Pandit) and Sheikh Abdullah, were personal friends, but it was too favorable to autonomy or independence of Kashmir but opposed to any annexation to Pakistan. This stemmed from practical considerations, the Muslim League of Jinnah was a party whose leadership was an expression of the landed gentry, while one of the main objectives of the NC was the realization of distributive justice through agrarian reform, for the benefit of the poor peasants of Kashmir.
The NC was not simply an expression of the Muslim majority, went far beyond religion. The Muslims of Kashmir were being discriminated against actually a majority all the positions of some importance monopolized by the minority Hindus. Nevertheless Sheikh Abdullah, rather than to the religion called Kashmiriyat and Muslims to unite against the Hindu Dogra regime, this concept - which literally means to be Kashmiri - drew on a composite identity that is rooted in a past in which the Kashmir was the land which was developed in the Shaivism, Tibetan Buddhism flourished and moderate Islam propagated by the order Sufi Silsila-i-Rishiyan: these beliefs coexisted peacefully and gave rise to a particular form of syncretism. [In Sergio Tripodi, Kashmir, p.95]. The platform then programmatic NC envisioned building a "new Kashmir" with a democratic constitutional framework (Sheikh Abdullah was jailed for his activities antimonarchical) and a varied bill of rights, as well as a socialist agenda with the aforementioned extensive reforms Agricultural.
On the other hand there were also political filopachistani openly - and in favor of annexation with these countries - such as Ghulam Abbas, founder of the Muslim Conference party, or as Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, one of the most important religious leaders state. In the meantime, Jinnah and Nehru stood not to look at and both feceero pressure on Kashmir's accession.
Following independence, the Maharaja Hari Singh tried to reach an agreement with the two nascent states. On August 15, 1947 he signed a Standstill Agreement with Pakistan (literally a standstill agreement), which was intended to agreements on trade, transport and communications in force between the kingdom of Kashmir and the outgoing British Government. The Indian government requested further discussions with representatives of Kashmir before signing a similar agreement.
The context changed abruptly when the Maharaja began to lose control the domestic situation. In the first week of October of 1947 a peasant revolt broke out in south-western province of Poonch, the peasants rose up against the local Muslim landowners, Rajput Hindu caste. Formations of the Pakistani army moved immediately to help the rebels with weapons, transport and men. The insurgents, with the support of tribal Pathans (or Pashtuns, are a people living south-eastern Afghanistan - the state where they represent the largest ethnic group - in the northern parts of Pakistan - where they enjoy considerable autonomy - and Kashmir, the more they speak Pashtu, the language of the Iranian strain. Despite being separated by border-state they have maintained strong ties, thanks to Pashtunwali, a common code of conduct. Moreover, they constitute the main ethnic contingent in the movement of Taliban. The current Afghan President Hamid Karzai is an ethnic Pashtun) from armed North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan along with Pakistani army officers, defeated the army in Kashmir and marched to Srinagar - the summer capital of the kingdom - engaging in looting, destruction , rapes and killings. Pakistani sources claim that the tribal armed formations were made in Kashmir following the circulation of rumors that they gave to the imminent decision of Maharja access to India.
Meanwhile, October 14, 1947, the district of Poonch declared independence from Dogra kingdom and took the name of Azad Kashmir (Free Kashmir).
The Maharaja, fully aware of Pakistan's support to the insurgents and the invaders, he decided to ask for military support of India for salvage. Jawaharlal Nehru, then Prime Minister of India was prepared to provide the help required, but on two conditions: Hari Singh would formally accept the accession of his state to India and the act should have received the imprimatur of Sheikh Abdullah , which would lead the interim government during the emergency phase. On October 26, 1947 Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession (Act of Accession) of his state to India in exchange della garanzia che al Kashmir sarebbe stato concesso uno status autonomo particolare. Nella lettera, allegata al sopracitato atto, che Hari Singh spediva a Lord Mountbatten, tra le altre cose si leggeva: «Inspite of repeated appeals made by my Government no attempt has been made to check these raiders or to stop them from coming into my State. In fact, both radio and the Press of Pakistan have reported these occurences. The Pakistan radio even put out the story that a provisional government has been set up in Kashmir. (…) With the conditions obtaining at present in my State and the great emergency of the situation as it exists, I have no option but to ask for help from the Indian Dominion. Naturally they cannot send the help asked for by me without my State acceding to the Dominion of India» . L'indomani, accettando l'atto di adesione, nella sua risposta al maharaja Mountbatten auspicava «In consistence with their policy that in the case of any State where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State, it is my Government's wish that, as soon as law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of the invader, the question of the State's accession should be settled by a reference to the people» . Jawaharlal Nehru fece propria la promessa di referendum di autodeterminazione e, davanti alla Costituent Assembly of India, riaffermò il diritto ultimo of the Kashmiri people to decide its future political association under the supervision of an impartial international tribunal like the UN could be.
In recent years, a dispute about the date dell'accessione. Since then Pakistan has argued that Hari Singh's signature was obtained through intimidation. The signing of the document is actually only took 27 October 1947, although the document is dated the day before, some authors argue that Indian troops had already entered the territory of Kashmir before the act was signed [Alaistar Lamb, Kashmir : A Disputed Legacy, 1846-1990] and this is good game to Pakistan when he says that the annexation Kashmir has been forced by military invasion.
support required by Hari Singh came from heaven, with airborne troops who put in a safe Srinagar. At that point Jinnah decided to break through the inertia and push the army, this time officially, in the war that continued until January 1949. The conflict in Kashmir was limited only by the intervention of General Auchinleck, Commander in Chief of the British Raj that was still the commander in chief of the armed forces of both the new dominions. The Indian Army managed to leave two thirds of the territory of the former princely state, while a third (Gilgit-Balstian and former district of Poonch) remained under the control Pakistan.
parallel to the battlefield since January 1948 the war was fought in the UN headquarters after that, on the advice of Mountbatten, the Security Council had been requested by India invoking Articles 34 and 35 of the Charter of the United Nations (referring to disputes or situations likely to endanger the maintenance of peace and international security). The Indian government urged the Security Council to condemn the complicity of Pakistan in the act of aggression perpetrated by Pakistani citizens alongside members of local tribes. The regime denied that Pakistan had provided any official assistance to the insurgents / invaders accused India of having practiced, following the partition, a policy of genocide against the Muslim population and put into question the legitimacy and legality dell'accessione of Kashmir to India. On 20 January 1948 the Security Council adopted Resolution No. 39, creating the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) with a mandate to investigate and mediate the dispute. A second resolution, No. 47, was adopted by the Council of 21 April 1948, it increased from three to five the number of members from the Commission (Argentina, Belgium, Colombia, Czechoslovakia, United States of America), reminded the Government of Pakistan to withdraw its citizens from the territory of the state and asked the Indian government to withdraw its forces Armed with the exception of those necessary to support the civil power and the maintenance of law and order, also proposed the creation of a coalition government of the state of Jammu and Kashmir that would represent the entire political spectrum of the population. Finally gave the mandate to hold a plebiscite that would establish the will of the Kashmiri people on the accession to India or Pakistan.
For Nehru began the progessive disaffection with the United Nations, and especially against the United States and Britain, which were seen accommodate the Pakistani positions, from the Indian point of view was a source of dismay was the fact that aggressor and was attacked were equated.
In a letter dated 24 February 1947 addressed to Vijaylakshmi Pandit Nehru wrote, "I Could not Imagine That the Security Council Could possibly behave in the trivial Manner in Which it functioned. These People Are Supposed to keep order in the world. It is not surprising That the world is going to pieces. The United States and Britain Have played a dirty role, Britain Probably Being the chief actor behid the scenes " [in S. Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru, A Biography, Vol 2, 1979].
In respect of two resolutions a team of observers visited the two states to broker a ceasefire. Once in Karachi were briefed by Interior Minister Mohammed Zafrullah Khan Pakistan's three brigades were involved in hostilities since May 1948, the justification for this intervention was that India had territorial claims on Pakistan as the Pakistan-controlled Kashmir. This fact drastically changed circumstances. For most of the Indian decision-makers were irritated by the lack of condemnation by the Council of Pakistan as an aggressor state. A third resolution was adopted August 13, 1948 urged India and Pakistan to agree to a ceasefire: Pakistan should withdraw its troops and citizens and then India would have done the same with his army. This is not never it happened: India insisted on the withdrawal of Pakistani troops and irregulars, Pakistan on the holding of a plebiscite. On 1 January 1949 came to a cease-fire brokered by the United Nations, which follows neither the army nor the withdrawal of self-determination referendum. The line of the cease-fire (border that remains disputed by both countries) has been renamed by both parties as "Line of Control (LOC) after the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971. To supervise the cease-fire was formed the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), whose mandate was extended even after the return of the UNCIP (March 30, 1951), apart from that it followed the failures of the Council security and its brokers and agents.
The first Kashmir war was the beginning of a conflict that has dragged on far with its full load of fatal inevitability, leaving in its path wars, tension, espionage, terrorism, balance of terror. The new nation were again on the brink of war in 1950 and 1951. In 1950, still had not exhausted the long wave of the tragic effects of partition on the people, local unrest along the border of Tripura and West Bengal led hundreds of thousands of Hindus to flee from East Pakistan to West Bengal, while in the opposite direction moved so many Muslim refugees. To prevent the outbreak of hostilities, Prime Minister of Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan Pakistan met in Delhi and spread to a joint statement with which it undertook to ensure the protection of minorities in both countries. Then in 1951, India amassed troops on the border with West Pakistan, to put pressure on the refugee issue and the Kashmir crisis was resolved with an exchange of letters between the two prime ministers.